Friday, February 08, 2008

The Ostroy Report: Romney's Despicable Attack on Democrats. He Should Be Ashamed of Himself

The Ostroy Report: <a name="2808">Romney's Despicable Attack on Democrats. He Should Be Ashamed of Himself</a>: "'They would retreat, declare defeat, and the consequences of that would be devastating,' Romney said of his Democratic rivals, NY Sen. Hillary Clinton and Illinois Sen. Barack Obama. Adding that staying in the race 'would make it easier for Senator Clinton or Obama to win,' he went on to deliver this irresponsible and despicable accusation: 'Frankly, in this time of war, I simply cannot let my campaign be a part of aiding the surrender to terror.'"

New details emerge in NRCC scandal - Patrick O'Connor and John Bresnahan - Politico.com

New details emerge in NRCC scandal - Patrick O'Connor and John Bresnahan - Politico.com: "Rep. Mike Conaway (R-Texas), a certified public accountant, had pushed for months for an internal audit of the National Republican Congressional Committee, according to GOP members, but the committee’s treasurer at the time was reluctant."

Bush and Congress Hit Bottom in Poll - AOL News

Bush and Congress Hit Bottom in Poll - AOL News

MSNBC's Shuster to Offer On-Air Apology to Clinton | The Trail | washingtonpost.com

MSNBC's Shuster to Offer On-Air Apology to Clinton | The Trail | washingtonpost.com

Mitt Romney is BuzzFlash.com's GOP Hypocrite of the Week

Mitt Romney is BuzzFlash.com's GOP Hypocrite of the Week

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: A Liberal Undercover at CPAC (Chapter 1): An American God

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: A Liberal Undercover at CPAC (Chapter 1): An American God: "Sadly, No!'s Mister Leonard Pierce goes into the Lion's den at the annual right-wing love-fest."

By Mister Leonard Pierce, Sadly No!
Posted on February 7, 2008, Printed on February 8, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://www.sadlyno.com/76353/

Houston's airport - Bush International. I'm flying out of Bush and into Reagan, moving eastward in space and backwards in time: soon I will face the Beast, but before I do, I'm killing time and brain cells in an airport named after his father, after which I will fly into one named after the Patron Saint of Modern Conservativism. By the time I get there time will have moved forward, but the names of the airports serve to remind me that I will be spending the next few days in the company of those who want it to move backward. Back to the 1980s when Reagan first began to rid us of those troublesome layabout unions, back to the 1950s with a stop along the way to annihilate the dread specter of the Sick Sick Sixties, back to the 1920s before That Man nearly ruined America with his confiscatory helpfulness, back to the 1890s with their gilded edges and men of high finance who knew the world was put there for them alone. Soon I will fly through the names of the presidents and mingle with men and women who are using the technology of the 21st century to repeal the 20th.

I break my pre-flight fast with a quick meal at McDonald's: quick, easy, and consequence free, the very spirit and image of consumer capitalism. No two countries have ever fought a war that both operated a McDonald's franchise, they tell me, which must be why all the employees look so cheerful and fulfilled in their jobs. They know they're helping to usher in a new age of global peace. Fuck it, I think to myself as I perform the nutritional operation of consuming a Quarter Pounder with cheese: if I'm going to do this, I might as well do it right. No mouthing off or hipster showboating this trip. My bag is different this time: a raw and ideologically pure dive into the FDA-approved dyes of the red states. For eight years I have been lectured about the pure moral good of the heartland and the values it is said to embrace, contra my own apparently horrid set of cultural preferences. And this time, I will listen. I will shed my pretentious, intellectually hostile beliefs and attend the Conservative Political Action Conference as the paragon of red-state values I am forever urged to become.

I break my pre-flight fast with a quick meal at McDonald's: quick, easy, and consequence free, the very spirit and image of consumer capitalism. No two countries have ever fought a war that both operated a McDonald's franchise, they tell me, which must be why all the employees look so cheerful and fulfilled in their jobs. They know they're helping to usher in a new age of global peace. Fuck it, I think to myself as I perform the nutritional operation of consuming a Quarter Pounder with cheese: if I'm going to do this, I might as well do it right. No mouthing off or hipster showboating this trip. My bag is different this time: a raw and ideologically pure dive into the FDA-approved dyes of the red states. For eight years I have been lectured about the pure moral good of the heartland and the values it is said to embrace, contra my own apparently horrid set of cultural preferences. And this time, I will listen. I will shed my pretentious, intellectually hostile beliefs and attend the Conservative Political Action Conference as the paragon of red-state values I am forever urged to become.

In preparation for the trip, I do not take either of my Cassini suits to the dry-cleaners. Instead, I stop at my local Wal-Mart, the blue and white gleaming savior of American retail power, and choose from the many tasteful offerings by Puritan and George. Surely none of the Washington conservative elite will sneer at my $50-suit and Chinese shoes! After all, clothes-snobbery is a signifier of the blue-state urbanite, with his poisonous moral relativism and insatiable latte-lust. Likewise, I am not fool enough to think that I can get through four days of hobnobbing with the likes of Richard Viguerie and Ben Shapiro without some kind of chemical enhancement. But I will forsake the trailer-park speed, that low sign of the white-trash enterprenuer, and the carefully smuggled tin of chocolate Thai: such indulgence, with its natural provenance and tendency towards sloth and mockery, marks me as a liberal at best or a hippie at worst. No, this trip, it will be strictly legal alcohol, as much of it as I can possibly stomach, and good old under-the-counter pills, fistfuls at a time. My muscles will be relaxed, my pain relieved, my sleep aided, and my brain fogged by 100% pharmaceutical-grade pills, designed by corporate chemists and sold by gigantic drug concerns. I will experience CPAC the way the rest of the attendees will, blitzed out only on their own sense of self-righteousness and semi-legitimate drugs benevolently provided by an American God the way the market intended. Best of all, some nefarious Californian has engaged in shenanigans with my check card and the bank has cancelled it in expectation of issuing me a new one, so I'm living on credit the entire weekend. Thus I will do as I am urged by our most perfect of all systems: spend like mad, don't save, buy everything on easy credit, and leave open the possibility of a massive default that the taxpayers will have to bail you out of. If it worked for the 'fiscally conservative' Reagan Administration, then it ought to work for me.

Fully embracing my new role as a man who's attending a convention of right-wing crazies with the idea that their maddened, self-serving efforts to run the country into the ground are actually a good thing, I've even crafted an alternate identity for myself. Gone is Mister Leonard Pierce, a freelance writer and small-time criminal who is fond of Scandinavian social democracy, gangsta rap and the writings of Terry Southern. In his place is the modestly dressed, all-American Leonard Pierce, lobbyist for the Texas-based American Milk Solids Council, who only reads books with the word "management" or "Bible" in the title and wants nothing more out of his politicians than that they lower his taxes at any cost, allow him to do business any way the market will allow, and maybe if there's enough time keep the homo queers from marrying each other. It is through the ruthless management of this façade that I will survive a weekend with a group for whom 1968 is something that happened to other people. My mantra for the next four days: pills, populism, and participatory journalism.

I take a quick trip to the bathroom and, occupying a stall previously vetted for me by one of our fine young men in the Navy, prepare a quick pre-flight cocktail of Vicodin, Percodan, Darvocet, Lortab, and something my "doctor" assured me were codeine pills, and before I remember how to blink, my flight is boarding. See, our capitalist system can make time move forward as well as backward! All hail the market, I say, possibly out loud. I merge seamlessly with the crowd of pants-suits and Oxford shirts, feeling at peace with the world as I shuffle past the obvious blue-state snobs in First Class. If only those liberal jerks (fascists to a man, I'm sure of it - Jonah Goldberg will not be in attendance at CPAC to teach us all how even a slight deviation from the gospels of Sts. Reagan and Rand leads inexorably down the path of Mussolinity, nor will Ann Coulter, unexpectedly bumped from the schedule to make room for someone less prone to bad publicity, but Dick Cheney will be in the house, which is enough concentrated evil for any thrillseeker) knew the joys of sitting back in coach with your fellow (R)-voting prole! Let them have their leg room, their comfortable seats, their complimentary cocktails. I'm back here with the real Americans, not wearing a tie for the last time all weekend, with my Wal-Mart shoes and my Eli Lilly bloodstream, and the knowledge that I am what America is all about…

UPDATE: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 2: Invisible Asia here.

UPDATE II: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 3: You Shan’t Go Home Again here.

UPDATE III: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 4: In a Mad Frenzy, Stinging Themselves to Eternal Death here.

UPDATE IV: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 5: Soy Un Perdidor here.

UPDATE V: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 6: She Don’t Like, She Don’t Like, She Don’t Like… McCain here.

UPDATE VI: Read The Beast is Red, Chapter 7 (Interlude): Holding A Shard of Mirror Up To Nature’s Throat here.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://www.sadlyno.com/76353/

AlterNet: Blogs: Video: Sexual Assault Is a Crime, Not a Labor Dispute, Unless of Course You Work for Halliburton/KBR [VIDEO]

AlterNet: Blogs: Video: Sexual Assault Is a Crime, Not a Labor Dispute, Unless of Course You Work for Halliburton/KBR [VIDEO]: "The notion that sexual assault cannot be tried as a criminal matter but is treated as a labor dispute is simply beyond belief."

By Lucinda Marshall, Feminist Peace Network
Posted on February 7, 2008, Printed on February 8, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://feministpeacenetwork.org/76299/

The notion that sexual assault cannot be tried as a criminal matter but has to be arbitrated in secret arbitration and treated as a labor dispute is simply beyond belief. But then again, defending democracy by making a mockery of it is what Halliburton/KBR is all about:

"A mother of five who says she was sexually harassed and assaulted while working for Halliburton/KBR in Iraq is headed for a secretive arbitration process rather than being able to present her case in open court.
A judge in Texas has ruled that Tracy Barker's case will be heard in arbitration, according to the terms of her initial employment contract.
Barker says that while in Iraq she was constantly propositioned by her superior, threatened and isolated after she reported an incident of sexual assault."

But it is what the judge in the case said that is most disturbing:

"District Judge Gray Miller, however, wrote in his order that "whether it is wise to send this type of claim to arbitration is not a question for this court to decide.""
"Sadly," wrote Judge Miller, "sexual harassment, up to and including sexual assault, is a reality in today's workplace."

And this in what way would have any bearing on it being a criminal offense? But wait for it...

It gets worse:

"Barker's case had also involved a claim of sexual assault against a State Department employee. Those claims have been severed from her case against Halliburton/KBR and transferred to the Eastern District of Virginia."

Yes, you read that correctly, if a Halliburton/KBR goon commits sexual assault they are not subject to the same criminal proceedings as the same charges brought against a State Department employee.

So there you have it-we are officially fighting terrorism and defending freedom by paying private companies exhorbitant amounts of money and allowing them to terrorize our own citizens and deny them their civil liberties. And it's all legal. Talk about a classic case of the best democracy money can buy.

Editor's Note: The video to your right aired on 20/20 this past December and it features Barker and another victim of rape by Halliburton emplopyees, Jamie Leigh Jones, telling their horrifying stories.

Lucinda Marshall is a feminist artist, writer and activist. She is the Founder of the Feminist Peace Network. Her work has been published in numerous publications in the U.S. and abroad including, Counterpunch, AlterNet, Dissident Voice, Off Our Backs, the Progressive, Countercurrents, Z Magazine, Common Dreams, In These Times and Information Clearinghouse. She also blogs at WIMN Online and writes a monthly column for the Louisville Eccentric Observer.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://feministpeacenetwork.org/76299/

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: Mitt Quits '08 Presidential Race

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: Mitt Quits '08 Presidential Race: "UPDATE: In his withdrawal speech, Romney channeled Dick Cheney and claimed that a Democratic victory in November would bring another terrorist attack."

AlterNet: Blogs: Water: How Global Warming Will Affect the Water Crisis

AlterNet: Blogs: Water: How Global Warming Will Affect the Water Crisis

By Tara Lohan, AlterNet
Posted on February 7, 2008, Printed on February 8, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/www.alternet.org/76385/

Here's an important heads up: Things are going to get more bleak in the U.S. when it comes to available fresh water.

Here's what the UK's Telegraph had to say:

An impending crisis in America's water supply is signalled by a study that concludes more than half of the recent decline seen in the west can be linked to human activities. Scientists have been documenting significant changes in water flow in the western United States for the past 50 years. Now it has been found that to 60 percent of the changes in river flow, snow pack and winter air temperatures in the region during this period can be attributed to human-caused climate change.
Dr Tim Barnett of the University of California, San Diego, and colleagues conclude that for the inhabitants, from Seattle to Los Angeles, the results "are not good news" and call for immediate action to secure future supplies.

The report came from the journal, Science, and it also said there would be shifts in water supply worldwide. That's the funny thing about climate change. The winners would likely be "Eurasia, Alaska, Canada, and some tropical regions," with more water. Losers, where there would be substantial decline in water availabity, would be "southern Europe, the Middle East, southern Africa and southwestern North America."

Decreasing water availablity will also have a huge affect on not just drinking water, but agriculture.

As the Telegraph reports:

We were surprised by how much and how soon these regions could suffer if we don't adapt," says study co-author Marshall Burke. "For example, our study suggests that Southern Africa could lose more than 30 percent of its main crop, maize, in the next two decades, with possibly devastating implications for hunger in the region."
Potential losses in South Asia are also significant, he added, with projected losses of 10 percent or more for many regional staples, including millet, maize and rice. "For poor farmers on the margin of survival, these losses could really be crushing," Burke says.

This information comes on the heels of a new report from India, that "two billion people face acute water shortage this century as Himalayan glaciers melt due to global warming."

It is clear that attention to the water crisis -- in the U.S. -- and globally, needs to be elevated to a top international priority. People also need to start seriously addressing the links between global warming and water. As the world continues to warm, some people will be inundated with too much water and others with too little.

We need immediate action the U.S. to cut emissions and to join the international effort to battle climate change, and we need effective policy to establish water conservation measures, a reassessment of industrial agriculture's role in water use, and language that protects waters as a human right for all people.

Tara Lohan is a managing editor at AlterNet.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/www.alternet.org/76385/

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: F#@k You Romney

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: F#@k You Romney

By Richard Blair, The All Spin Zone
Posted on February 8, 2008, Printed on February 8, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://allspinzone.com/wp//76420/

According to Mitt 's bailout speech yesterday, a vote for Hillary or Barack is surrendering to the terrorists. Message to Mitt: STFU and get the hell out of my country, you whiney, scared little man. You failed to mention that George Bush's GOP is the greatest terrorist enabling organization in the history of the planet. BTW, where's OSAMA?

This is short. I am not usually a profane man in my public writing, and think that I keep my political emotions fairly well in check. Not today.

I am goddamned outraged. And you should be, too.

In suspending his presidential campaign today, Mitt Romney said:

"If I fight on in my campaign, all the way to the convention, I would forestall the launch of a national campaign and make it more likely that Senator Clinton or Obama would win. And in this time of war, I simply cannot let my campaign, be a part of aiding a surrender to terror," Romney told the Conservative Political Action Conference in Washington.

Mother of Gawd. What he's saying that if he continued campaigning, and got in the way of a McCain juggernaut, he'd feel partly responsible for electing either Clinton or Obama in November. And (by implication), if Clinton or Obama wins, then the U.S. has surrendered to the terrorists.

I'm not making this up. Go read it.

Who in the FUCK does Mitt Romney think he is that he can implicate either Sens. Clinton or Obama as terrorism enablers? Or if I support the Dems, that I AM, BY IMPLICATION, A TERRORIST SUPPORTER? What level of hubris is he exhibiting by saying that if the Democratic Party nominee wins in November, the people of the United States have "surrendered to the terrorists"?

Jeebus, I can't believe this. I am goddamned outraged. And you should be, too.

Message to Mitt and his fellow Republican fascists:

I AM A VIETNAM ERA VET, UNLIKE MULTIPLE DEFERMENT MITT. I AM AN AMERICAN. I DON'T SUPPORT EMOTIONAL TERRORISTS LIKE YOU, MITT. AND I AM A DEMOCRAT.

Fuck you Mitt, just fuck you and your fellow brownshirts.

Richard Blair is the blogmaster of All Spin Zone.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://allspinzone.com/wp//76420/

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: McCain Humiliates Himself at CPAC

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: McCain Humiliates Himself at CPAC

By Scarecrow , Firedoglake
Posted on February 8, 2008, Printed on February 8, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://www.firedoglake.com//76413/

It is conventional wisdom that any Republican hoping to become President must obtain the backing of the most discredited and extremist elements within the Republican Party. And so we saw Mitt Romney and John McCain dutifully humiliate themselves in front of those whose catastrophic policies as implemented by the Bush/Cheney regime have earned the contempt of a large majority of Americans and the hatred of much of the world. Why would anyone do this?

Romney's pandering exodus statement could not have been more insulting to the American people. He essentially argued that if he did not withdraw and leave a clear field to McCain, the American people would elect a Democrat and thus give the terrorists a victory over the United States. Never mind that nearly 80 percent of the country believes the conservatives have set the country on the wrong course, and a large majority believe the country would be better led by Democrats on virtually every issue including war and terrorism. Is the man really that delusional, or is this just more pandering?

Even more astonishing was the weeping and chorus of "No! No!" that greeted the chameleon Romney's withdrawal. It was as though the CPAC delegates had no clue that the man who had pandered to them for months and laid claim to Reagan's legacy had conveniently acquired his conservative views only yesterday, it having been inconvenient to espouse such notions in his prior habitat.

But the award for delusion must go to McCain's appearance. McCain was greeted first with enforced manners as he promised to consult with these faux conservatives, but that devolved into boos as soon as he spoke the words "illegal immigration."

What must John McCain have been thinking, as he stood there, smiling, waiting for the booing to end? The man is and always has been one of the most extreme and pure "conservatives" in the Senate, yet there he was being booed by people who claimed to be extreme conservatives but who were in truth only extremely radical.

The clowns who booed McCain for once having been insufficiently mean spirited towards immigrants had for seven years allowed America's image to be trashed by men without honor. They supported a lawless regime that destroyed respect for the Constitution, the rule of law and the notion of personal accountability. They cheered as the regime used unchecked executive power to undermine individual liberties, violated treaty promises, openly sought destructive foreign entanglements and allowed corporate greed to corrupt competitive markets. There was nothing conservative about this crowd, and yet McCain was there to beg for their acceptance.

McCain's presence gives the lie to the media's virtuous image of this confused man. Have they not thought of why he would so humiliate and degrade himself by appearing before such a group? It is not enough to say, "McCain just wants to be President and this is what he must do." No, the psychological drive is not just ordinary political ambition.

John McCain will lead the Republican Party to defeat in November, because no matter how he frames his candidacy, his platform will be to continue the two colossal failures of the Bush/Cheney regime: (1) a deeply immoral economic and social policy based on distorting taxes to further enrich the rich at the expense of everyone else and (2) a deeply perverted conception of America as a never ending military empire. McCain will promote the first because he simply doesn't know any better; he may actually believe there's something conservative about policies that decimate the middle class and working people. But he has embraced the second because he's still a tortured prisoner in a cage in North Vietnam.

In his quest for redemption McCain sees himself as a true patriot, so he will keep America bogged down in Iraq because he cannot come to terms with America's loss and his personal tragedy in Viet Nam. His/our humiliating torture must be redeemed in Iraq; it is inconceivable he could accept anything that could be portrayed as another American defeat. The thought of a Democratic President withdrawing troops simply because the American people want no more of Bush/Cheney's aggressive wars angers John McCain.

McCain's odyssey is less about America; it's more about him, and he would keep surging troops until we win and someone sets him free, even if it takes a hundred years.

Scarecrow is a regular blogger for FireDogLake

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/http://www.firedoglake.com//76413/

Tuesday, February 05, 2008

Fwd: News Alert: Obama Wins Ill., Mass. Goes to Romney, McCain Victorious in N.J.




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News Alert   8:00 p.m. ET Tuesday, February 5, 2008
Obama Wins Ill., Mass. Goes to Romney, McCain Victorious in N.J.
Results feeding in from races in six other states where polls closed at 8 p.m. ET.
 

For more information, visit washingtonpost.com





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Head Start Funding Cut Just Two Weeks After Bipartisan Reauthorization Bill Calling for Increased Investment is Approved, 2/5/08

Head Start Funding Cut Just Two Weeks After Bipartisan Reauthorization Bill Calling for Increased Investment is Approved, 2/5/08: "HEAD START FUNDING CUT JUST TWO WEEKS AFTER BIPARTISAN REAUTHORIZATION BILL CALLING FOR INCREASED INVESTMENT IS APPROVED
Like Many Other Domestic Programs, Program Has Seen Disinvestment Over Last 6 Years
By Sharon Parrott"

Why our President would use the term "Bloated" when describing the types of programs to be cut is beyond my comprehension. With all due respect to the office of the president, this man is an abomination and has caused me to despair over the dishonesty, cruelty and disregard he and his cronies show towards us, those not members of the elite. His budget slashes at needed programs across the board and seeks to legislate permanently tax custs thet benefits the wealthy. He ought to be ashamed of himself and I hope that someway, somehow he is brought to justice for the way he has bankrupted the office of the President. He's made me so cynical and jaded, where once I was an optimst towards those in office.

This year, as in 2007, Congress and the President are likely to have a contentious debate about the appropriate level of overall funding for “appropriated” programs — the programs funded through the annual appropriations process, including most education, environmental, veterans, defense, and transportation programs, among others. The President’s 2009 budget provides some $15 billion less for these domestic appropriated programs than would be needed just to ensure that funding keeps pace with inflation. It can be difficult, however, for the public and policymakers to understand the implications of differing levels of funding for appropriated programs as a whole. Yet decisions on those overall funding levels have important implications for key public services.

Head Start provides a good example. On December 12, 2008, the President signed legislation reauthorizing the program, which provides comprehensive early education programs to more than 900,000 disadvantaged infants, toddlers, and preschoolers. The legislation, which received overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress, included policy changes designed both to enable the program to serve more low-income children, including underserved groups such as Native American children children of seasonal and migrant farmworkers and infants and toddlers, and to improve program quality.

To meet these goals, the legislation authorized significant new resources for Head Start. Members of both parties spoke of the importance of giving more low-income children access to the program. However, Head Start’s actual funding level each year is set in appropriations bills, and just 14 days after signing the reauthorization legislation, the President signed into law an omnibus appropriations bill that cut Head Start funding for fiscal year 2008, even before adjusting for inflation. The 2008 cut follows five years in which Head Start was repeatedly funded below the level needed just to keep pace with inflation. In 2008, funding for Head Start is 11 percent — or $893 million — below the 2002 funding level, adjusted for inflation.

Head Start did not suddenly fall from favor on Capitol Hill. Instead, under Administration pressure to reduce the overall level of funding for appropriated programs or face certain vetoes of appropriations bills, Congress cut funding for numerous programs across the budget, including Head Start. The final omnibus appropriations bill provided $164 million less in Head Start funding than Congress had provided in the Labor-HHS appropriations bill that it passed earlier but that the President then vetoed. This funding difference is equivalent to the cost of serving more than 20,000 children in Head Start this year.

The President’s 2009 budget again proposes to fund Head Start at $7 billion — just a hair under what is needed to maintain 2008 funding levels adjusted for inflation and about 12 percent below 2002 funding levels adjusted only for inflation.

"With this bill, we’re reaching out early to make greater opportunities available for thousands of our neediest children…" — Sen. Edward Kennedy

“With the Senate’s action approving the [Head Start Reauthorization bill]…'all children, regardless of background, will be better prepared to enter school ready to learn and succeed…’” — Sen. Mike Enzi

Head Start Reauthorization Hailed on Bipartisan Basis

Congress has been working on a bipartisan basis on a Head Start reauthorization bill for five years. The bill signed into law by the President in December 2007 garnered strong bipartisan support — it passed the Senate 95-0 and the House 381-36 — and use plaudits from Democrats and Republicans alike.

The legislation includes calls for increased funding and new quality standards. It:

  • Increases the authorized funding level for Head Start from $7.35 billion in 2008 to $7.995 billion in 2010. The authorized funding level for 2009 is $7.65 billion — $623 million above the President’s proposed 2009 level.
  • Expands access — if funds are available — to Head Start programs for a variety of groups, including: infants and toddlers, children with incomes between 100 and 130 percent of the poverty line, children of migrant and seasonal farm workers, and Native American children.
  • Increase the number of Head Start programs that provide full-day services, if funds are available.

  • Invests in program quality and sets new teacher standards. (Under the bill, 40 percent of any funds remaining after Head Start programs are provided with a cost-of-living adjustment in their grant and some additional funds are directed to programs for American Indians/Alaskan Natives and children of seasonal and migrant workers, are directed to various quality enhancements. This includes increasing teacher salaries so that Head Start programs can meet the new requirements that teachers in center-based programs have at least a bachelor’s degree by 2013 and investing in state and local training and technical assistance to help improve the quality of programs.)
  • Promotes collaboration among early education programs by requiring states to establish State Advisory Councils on Early Education and Care and directing funds for collaboration efforts and training programs.

These improvements require increased investments. They certainly cannot be achieved with declining resources. Recognizing this fact, Congress increased Head Start’s authorized funding level as part of the reauthorization.

Authorized Funding Increases Become Funding Cuts During the Appropriations Process

Under the congressional budget process, authorization bills set program rules and provide a guideline for the amount of funding the authorizers would like to see the program receive. The actual level of funding a program receives, however, is set through the appropriations process.

Only two weeks after the President signed the Head Start reauthorization bill into law, the omnibus appropriations bill — which funded a broad array of domestic appropriated programs for fiscal year 2008, including Head Start — was enacted. The omnibus bill included $6.88 billion in funding for Head Start, which is $480 million less than the authorized level — and $164 million less than the amount that would have been provided under the Labor-HHS appropriations bill that the President vetoed. The Head Start funding that the omnibus appropriations bill provides is even below the 2007 Head Start funding level before adjusting for inflation.

2008 the Sixth Straight Year of Real Funding Cuts

Moreover, the 2008 cut follows five consecutive years in which Head Start funding was cut in real (inflation-adjusted) terms. Thus, the 2008 funding level is $893 million (11 percent) below the 2002 funding level, adjusted for inflation. That means that for every $1 that Head Start received in 2002, it will receive just 89 cents in 2008. (The President would continue this trend, funding Head Start slightly below the 2008 level adjusted for inflation and roughly 12 percent below the 2002 level adjusted for inflation.)

Aggravating this situation, the number of children eligible for Head Start has risen significantly in recent years. Between 2002 and 2006, the number of poor children under age 5 grew by 13 percent, or 493,000. Many budget analysts believe that the proper way to compare funding for a particular program is to adjust not only for inflation but also for population growth. If this is done, funding in 2008 is more than 20 percent below the 2002 funding level (i.e., more than 20 percent below the 2002 level adjusted for both inflation and the increase in the number of poor children in the appropriate age category.)

Throughout the 1990s and into the early part of this decade, there was bipartisan support for expanding the number of children with access to Head Start and improving the program’s quality. Funding for Head Start rose, as did the number of children served. More infants and toddlers were served in Early Head Start programs, and more children were able to benefit from full-day (rather than half-day) programs. The number of teachers with two- and four-year degrees grew as well. Still, in 2002, only about half of all eligible 3- and 4-year-olds were enrolled in Head Start, and just 3 percent of eligible infants and toddlers were enrolled in Early Head Start.[1]

After 2002, Head Start funding began to fall in inflation-adjusted terms. Head Start programs were asked to continue to serve roughly the same number of children they served in 2002 but with less money per child. If the program continues to serve the same number of children in 2008 as it served in 2007 (908,000), it will have to do so with $940 less per child than it received in 2002, after adjusting for inflation.[2],[3] Alternatively, Head Start programs could start to contract. The President’s 2009 budget shows the number of children who would be served in Head Start under the President’s proposed funding level falling to 895,000 in 2009.

It is difficult to imagine how the goals outlined in the reauthorization legislation could be achieved at current funding levels. Indeed, some of those goals — the expansion of Early Head Start and the conversion of more Head Start slots to full-day slots — are contingent on increases in Head Start resources.

Furthermore, the legislation’s new requirements concerning educational degrees for teachers take effect regardless of whether added funding is provided. If funding does not rise over time in inflation-adjusted terms, programs will have to absorb the higher costs of hiring more-qualified teachers by serving fewer children or making cuts in other aspects of the program.

To be sure, not everyone involved in enacting the reauthorization bill saw the need for increased funding. The President supported the bill’s goal of improving the quality of Head Start programs but did not endorse the higher funding levels it called for, stating, “I am concerned that the bill authorizes spending levels higher than those proposed in my budget.” He did not comment on how Head Start quality could be improved without additional resources.

“Stealth Cuts” Accumulate Over Time

If the President or Congress proposed to cut Head Start by 11 percent in a single year, there likely would be many press stories about the probable impact on disadvantaged children across the country — and, as a result, considerable opposition to the proposal. But when cuts happen little-by-little over the course of several years, they generate far less attention.

For each of the last six years, Head Start has received less funding than in the prior year, after adjusting for inflation. The annual cuts have been small, and with the exception of 2006 and 2008, Head Start received slightly more funding each year in nominal terms (i.e., without adjustment for inflation). Unfortunately, Head Start programs are not immune to inflation, which affects the wages of Head Start workers and the cost of classroom materials, food, rent, and utilities. If funding does not keep pace with inflation, Head Start programs must make do with less or find alternative sources of funding.

Thus far, the impact of these “stealth” cuts has been an 11 percent reduction in Head Start funding since 2002. It is extremely unlikely that such a reduction would have been approved if it had been proposed for a single year.

Looking Ahead

Head Start is not alone. Many programs have been cut little by little over the past five years or so (some areas have been cut more dramatically), and those modest cuts are adding up to larger ones over time. For example, overall K-12 education funding in 2008 is 8.8 percent its 2003 level, after adjusting for inflation.

Congress’s lopsided vote in favor of the reauthoriziation bill shows that Head Start retains broad, bipartisan support. Nevertheless, if the overall level of resources made available for domestic appropriated programs continues to be squeezed as it has in the last few years, Head Start — and various other programs that provide important services — will likely continue being whittled down.

The President and his supporters in Congress often argue that the country cannot afford higher levels of funding for such programs. Yet overall funding for domestic appropriated programs is lower now as a share of the economy than it was in 2001. That means these programs have not contributed to any degree to the return of deficits in this decade.[4]

As in all budgeting decisions, the question ultimately is one of priorities. The country can afford to provide quality early education to low-income infants, toddlers, and preschoolers who need it. But if the President again insists on reducing overall funding for domestic appropriated programs below the level needed just to keep pace with inflation, the bipartisan goals embodied in the Head Start reauthorization bill are very unlikely to be met.

The damage to public services will not be limited to Head Start. For numerous other programs, as well, that enjoy broad support among policymakers of both parties and the general public, funding is declinging each year a bit further below the levels needed to meet key program goals.


End Notes:

[1] Data are from the National Head Start Association.

[2] This figure is calculated by comparing the total Head Start funding level by the total number of Head Start slots in 2002 and 2008. Some Head Start funding is not used to fund Head Start slots directly, but to support quality initiatives, research, and training. All Head Start funds, however, are designed either to serve children in the program directly or contribute to the quality of the program.

[3] A National Head Start Association report found that when Head Start funding was cut by 1 percent (after inflation) in fiscal year 2006, many programs were forced to cut staff, transportation services, and educational and health services. See “Special Report: Quality of Head Start Programs Imperiled By Steady Erosion of Funding,” National Head Start Association, February 2007, http://www.saveheadstart.org/backpages/NHSA_January_2007_Budget_Survey_Report.pdf.

[4] CBPP calculations based on data from the Congressional Budget Office.

Big Oil Feasts on Economic Woes

Big Oil Feasts on Economic Woes

Record Profits from Big Five Oil Companies Feed on High Gas Prices

By Daniel J. Weiss, Nick Kong

February 5, 2008

High gas prices may have cinched American consumers’ wallets in 2007, but they loaded the coffers of the big five oil companies: BP, Chevron, Conoco Phillips, ExxonMobil, and Shell. ExxonMobil, after record high profits in 2005 and 2006, smashed the record for highest profits ever made by a public U.S. company—previously held by Exxon—by posting a net profit of $40.6 billion in 2007.

To put these figures in perspective, Exxon’s $40.6 billion profit in 2007 is roughly equal to receiving “$30 for every person in China and $132 for every U.S. resident.” Another way of looking at it is that Exxon made $77,245 per minute in 2007—that’s more money generated per minute than 70 percent of Americans earned all year, according to the Census Bureau.

Shell also had a record breaking year. Its $31.3 billion 2007 profit set a new company record, and was 23 percent higher than its $25.4 billion profit in 2006. Analysts believe that higher crude oil prices are responsible for the company’s success. Chevron also matched its prediction of positive gains with $18.7 billion profit, primarily due to high gasoline prices at the pump. ConocoPhillips made $11.9 billion, its third best year since 2001. And its fourth quarter 2007 revenues exceeded last year’s fourth quarter by more than $1.2 billion, due partly to high energy prices. BP had a turbulent year, posting a gain of $20.8 billion in net profits. However, their fourth quarter earnings rose 22 percent from last year’s fourth quarter, mostly due to high oil and gasoline prices.

High oil prices are to big oil company profits what steroids are to home run records—number inflators. It costs oil companies less than $10 per barrel to extract and ship a barrel of oil. The “finding” costs to explore and develop an oil field range from $5 per barrel in the Middle East to $67 per barrel off of the U.S. coast. These are production costs. So when the market price jumps due to speculators, political unrest, supply disruption, or other similar events, it is a windfall for the oil company.

If the current high gas prices stay steady, big oil will surely see more gigantic profits in 2008. The price of oil is up by $45 per barrel—or 80 percent—from a year ago. The price of gasoline is 81 cents—or 38 percent—higher than this time last year. Families are now shelling out $60 or more per refill, while on a national scale, households that rely on home heating oil will pay about $551 more this winter.

What’s more, the Department of Energy expects the monthly average gasoline prices to peak “near $3.50 per gallon this spring.” This would easily beat the inflation-adjusted record of $3.23 from March 1981 ($1.42 in 1981). Breaking this record would continue to flood the coffers of big oil with money from hard-working Americans.

Rhetorically, President Bush acknowledges that the United States needs to reduce its oil dependence, which would decrease demand, lower pressure on prices, and reduce profits. During his State of the Union address last week, Bush advocated for a “new generation of clean energy technology,” since “our security, our prosperity, and our environment all require reducing our dependence on oil.”

Yet in reality, the president is protecting oil company profits at the public’s expense. In December 2007, he threatened to veto the entire energy bill because of its tax package, even though it included incentives for “a new generation of clean energy technology” that he extolled one month later in the State of the Union address. The reason for the veto threat? The energy tax package would have closed tax breaks for big oil that are worth slightly more than $1 billion annually.

The big five oil companies made over $123 billion in net profits in 2007; the closed loopholes would be less than one percent of their 2007 profits.

President Bush said that he opposed tax breaks for big oil companies in 2005: “I will tell you with $55 oil we don’t need incentives to oil and gas companies to explore.” Yet when oil was selling for $90 per barrel this fall, he forced Congress to drop tax incentives for clean alternatives because they would have been paid for with elimination of relatively small tax breaks for big oil.

There is still time for President Bush to put clean energy alternatives ahead of big oil’s enormous profits. The Senate will consider whether to extend incentives for constructing renewable energy plants powered by wind and geothermal energy, as well as individual and business use of solar energy, in the economic stimulus package this week. Without an extension of these measures, the economy could lose up to 116,000 jobs.

President Bush should also support tax proposals stripped from the Energy Independence and Security Act, which would spur investments in cellulosic and other biofuels, advance research into carbon capture and storage, and encourage consumers to purchase plug in hybrid vehicles. These steps would be a welcome change from an administration that values big oil company profits above all else.

For more information about the Center’s recommendations for creating a low-carbon economy, see:

To speak with Daniel J. Weiss, please contact:

For TV, Sean Gibbons, Director of Media Strategy 202.682.1611 or sgibbons@americanprogress.org
For print, John Neurohr, Press Assistant 202.481.8182 or jneurohr@americanprogress.org
For web,
Erin Lindsay, Online Marketing Manager 202.741.6397 or elindsay@americanprogress.org

Monday, February 04, 2008

Federal Grants to States and Localities Cut Deeply in Fiscal Year 2009 Federal Budget, 2/4/08

Federal Grants to States and Localities Cut Deeply in Fiscal Year 2009 Federal Budget, 2/4/08: "FEDERAL GRANTS TO STATES AND LOCALITIES CUT DEEPLY IN FISCAL YEAR 2009 FEDERAL BUDGET
By Iris Lav and Phil Oliff"

Grants to state and local governments have long been an important way in which the federal government supports and administers programs efficiently. The new budget, however, continues to significantly erode those grants. This leaves states and localities the option of either curtailing services or increasing their own taxes to compensate for declining federal funds. These cuts would come at a particularly difficult time, when many states already are cutting programs to balance their budgets and half of the states face budget gaps for the upcoming fiscal year of more than $34 billion.

  • Under the President’s budget, grants to state and local government for all programs other than Medicaid would decline by $18.9 billion or 7.4 percent from fiscal year 2008 to 2009, after adjusting for inflation.[1]
  • The proposed 2009 grants would be significantly lower as a percent of the economy than they were at any time since at least 2001. For 2009, the budget proposes grants to state and local government for all programs other than Medicaid that total just 1.60 percent of GDP. In 2001, such grants were 1.99 percent of GDP. Considering grant levels relative to the economy provides a somewhat better measure of whether the grants would be adequate to maintain the current level of state and local services they support, because the cost of providing services tends to grow in tandem with the economy.
  • If grants for all programs for 2009 were at their 2001 to 2008 average level relative to the economy (1.94 percent), they would be $50 billion, or 21 percent, higher than their proposed 2009 level.
  • These shortfalls are difficult for states and localities to handle, especially at a time when state and local governments are already facing considerable fiscal strain and the economy is on the verge of a possible recession. With few exceptions, state and local governments would not be able to absorb the proposed continuing reductions in federal aid without instituting program cuts or tax increases.

Discretionary and Mandatory Grants

The President’s 2009 budget proposes substantial cuts in discretionary grants that are appropriated annually and only a negligible increase in entitlement programs.

  • Discretionary grants to state and local governments would decline by $15.1 billion from 2008 to 2009. The decline would be $19.1 billion, or 10.9 percent, after adjusting for inflation.
  • If discretionary grants had remained at their 2001 to 2008 average level relative to the economy, they would be $47.4 billion, or 30.4 percent, higher than the proposed level for 2009.
  • On the entitlement or “mandatory” side of the budget, grants to state and local governments other than for Medicaid would increase by $2 billion from 2008 to 2009. After adjustment for inflation, they would increase by $200 million, or 0.2 percent.
  • If mandatory grants other than Medicaid were at their 2001 to 2008 average level relative to the economy, they would be $2.7 billion, or 3.3 percent, higher than the proposed level for 2009.

What is Being Cut?

The reductions in grant funds are spread throughout a wide range of budget categories and programs. In some cases nominal funding is slated for a cut. In others, the proposed funding fails to keep pace with the cost of the program.

The cuts include a constellation of reductions that will harm the most vulnerable children in the country. There is a 30 percent nominal reduction in the Social Services Block Grant which helps pay for services that protect children from neglect and abuse, foster care, adoption, and related services for children and families. In addition, the budget assumes cuts in payments to states for children and families services programs and for the safe and stable families program. These cuts would come as weak economic conditions create increased need for these types programs; if the federal government cuts funding, the burden of supporting these programs is likely to fall to states and local governments.

Employment and training cuts are also particularly troublesome during weak economic conditions. The budget proposes to cut vocational and adult education, training and employment services, and funds for the operation of the federal-state employment service. Again, these are needed programs that states may have to continue if the federal government does not uphold its end of the funding.

Public safety programs important to states and localities are cut by nearly two-thirds. These include juvenile justice programs, the COPS community policing program, prevention of violence against women, assistance for areas with high drug trafficking, and other programs. In addition, grants for homeland security, which include reductions in support for first responders, are cut by 45 percent.

Other cuts include:

  • Energy Assistance to help low-income households pay heating bills;
  • The Community Development Block Grant; which provides housing and economic opportunities to low-income populations;
  • The Environmental Protection Agency’s State and Tribal Assistance Grants, which helps states implement air and water quality standards;
  • Education programs including school improvement programs and funds for the Safe and Drug Free Schools program; and
  • The Commodity Supplemental Food Program, which provides nutritional food packages to low-income elderly people.

State Fiscal Problems

These cuts come at a time when states are struggling to meet their balanced budget requirements with revenues that have been depressed by the economy and service demands beginning to rise as residents lose jobs and income. At least nine states have already implemented budget cuts that affect their current fiscal year spending, and five other states have proposed budget cuts for this year. The cuts affect children, pregnant women, people who are mentally retarded, the elderly, victims of domestic violence, poor and low-income families and individuals and many other vulnerable populations.

For the upcoming fiscal year that begins July 1 in most states, half of the states are facing budget gaps. In the 20 states that have made specific estimates, these gaps equal at least $34 billion. Thus the state budget cuts being implemented or proposed in the current fiscal year are just the tip of the iceberg; far deeper state cuts in health care, education, and social services are in the offing. The federal cuts proposed in the Bush Administration budget would greatly exacerbate the problem states are facing as they struggle to maintain services within their balanced budget requirements.

Unlike states, the federal government can run a deficit when the economy turns down. At a time when the economy is weak and states are facing an inability to provide services to their residents because of their balanced budget requirements, the federal government should be providing fiscal assistance to states rather than cutting back on federal funding and thereby deepening the state fiscal crisis.

Medicaid Cuts in the Budget

The President’s budget would reduce Medicaid funding by $17.4 billion over the next five years. The greatest savings would come from cuts that reduce federal Medicaid spending by shifting costs from the federal government to the states. For example, the Administration would reduce the rate of federal reimbursement for certain administrative costs, such as inspecting nursing homes to ensure quality of care and safety. The costs of inspecting nursing homes would not disappear, but the state’s share of the cost would increase.

The budget also includes a new proposal that would repeal a provision in the Medicaid statute under which states wishing to enroll the elderly and people with disabilities who are eligible for both Medicare and Medicaid, and children with special health care needs, in managed care plans must meet certain criteria to ensure that these individuals’ health needs will be met. Without this protection, some of these vulnerable beneficiaries could be forced into managed care plans that do not include specialists or cover drugs that they need.

The Administration proposes to extract additional reductions in Medicaid through administrative action, without approval by Congress. The administrative changes proposed by the Administration would cut Medicaid spending by $800 million over the next five years, which would be on top of $12 billion in savings that would result from administrative actions the Administration has already taken over the last year. Like the legislative proposals, most of the federal savings from the Administration’s new administrative proposals would be accomplished by shifting costs from the federal government to the states.

Reductions by State

Table 2 provides an illustration of what cuts of this magnitude would mean for each state. It distributes the reduction in grants other than Medicaid by the percentage of grants (other than Medicaid) that each state is expected to receive in 2009. This analysis does not take into account the distribution by state of the specific program cuts proposed in the budget. It does, nevertheless, provide a reasonable approximation of the amount by which each state might have to reduce services or raise revenues in order to achieve the level of federal deficit reduction the President seeks from cutting grants-in-aid.

Other Impacts of Budget on States

In addition to the loss of federal grants for programs, states would face the loss of significant amounts of revenue as a result of the federal tax changes proposed in the Bush budget. Federal tax changes often affect state revenues, because most states use federal definitions of income, federal depreciation allowances, and other features of the federal tax code as the basis for their own taxation. The business tax incentives included in the President’s stimulus package potentially would reduce revenue a total of $2.9 billion in 36 states. Other tax provisions in the budget that would cause states to lose revenue include expensing for small businesses, expanded tax-free savings, and expanded Health Savings Accounts.

TABLE 2: ILLUSTRATION OF POTENTIAL LOSS OF GRANTS-IN AID BY STATE GRANTS OTHER THAN MEDICAID IN MILLIONS OF DOLLARS
FY 2009 Compared To FY 2008 In President's Budget

State or Territory

FY 2009 Percentage of Grants Other than Medicaid

Nominal Budget Cut

Budget Cut After Adjustment for Inflation

Per Capita Budget Cut after Adjustment for Inflation (in dollars)

Rank

All States

13,119

18,897

Alabama

1.5%

198.2

285.5

61.7

25

Alaska

0.5%

69.5

100.1

146.4

1

Arizona

1.7%

219.2

315.8

49.8

45

Arkansas

0.9%

124.3

179.0

63.1

20

California

14.0%

1833.6

2,641.1

72.3

12

Colorado

1.2%

158.7

228.6

47.0

48

Connecticut

1.3%

168.6

242.9

69.3

15

Delaware

0.3%

37.4

53.8

62.3

23

Florida

4.6%

609.6

878.1

48.1

47

Georgia

3.0%

397.0

571.8

59.9

25

Hawaii

0.4%

59.0

84.9

66.2

16

Idaho

0.4%

56.9

81.9

54.6

36

Illinois

4.3%

565.4

814.5

63.4

19

Indiana

1.8%

240.3

346.1

54.5

37

Iowa

0.8%

110.0

158.5

53.0

41

Kansas

0.8%

101.8

146.6

52.8

43

Kentucky

1.4%

188.7

271.9

64.1

18

Louisiana

1.7%

220.2

317.1

73.9

11

Maine

0.4%

56.3

81.0

61.5

26

Maryland

1.7%

221.0

318.3

56.7

32

Massachusetts

2.4%

315.3

454.1

70.4

14

Michigan

3.2%

421.0

606.4

60.2

27

Minnesota

1.5%

196.8

283.5

54.5

38

Mississippi

1.1%

143.5

206.8

70.8

13

Missouri

1.8%

232.8

335.3

57.0

31

Montana

0.4%

55.3

79.7

83.2

6

Nebraska

0.5%

70.8

102.0

57.5

30

Nevada

0.6%

77.5

111.6

43.5

50

New Hampshire

0.4%

46.5

67.0

50.9

44

New Jersey

2.9%

375.2

540.5

62.2

24

New Mexico

0.8%

106.2

153.0

77.7

8

New York

9.0%

1,186.2

1,708.6

88.5

4

North Carolina

2.6%

337.7

486.4

53.7

40

North Dakota

0.3%

42.7

61.5

96.2

3

Ohio

3.8%

498.7

718.3

62.6

22

Oklahoma

1.2%

158.5

228.3

63.1

21

Oregon

1.1%

146.8

211.4

56.4

33

Pennsylvania

4.3%

559.9

806.4

64.9

17

Rhode Island

0.4%

55.6

80.1

75.8

9

South Carolina

1.3%

164.6

237.1

53.8

39

South Dakota

0.3%

45.0

64.9

81.5

7

Tennessee

1.8%

239.8

345.4

56.1

34

Texas

7.4%

970.9

1,398.5

58.5

29

Utah

0.7%

85.8

123.6

46.7

49

Vermont

0.3%

37.5

53.9

86.8

5

Virginia

2.0%

260.2

374.7

48.6

46

Washington

1.9%

247.0

355.8

55.0

35

West Virginia

0.7%

94.1

135.5

74.8

10

Wisconsin

1.6%

205.9

296.6

52.9

42

Wyoming

0.3%

35.2

50.7

97.0

2

Notes: Percentage of grants per state from Analytic Perspectives, Tables 8-6 and 8-17 (Use FY 2009 estimated)

Analysis is illustrative of cuts states would experience if the amount of grant reductions in the budget were distributed over all non-Medicaid grants.

Per Capita cut uses Census data on estimated state population for July 1, 2007


End Notes:

[1] Medicaid is traditionally excluded from this analysis because changes in Medicaid grants largely reflect inflation in health-care costs in the public and private sectors alike. Considering grants other than Medicaid gives a more accurate picture of the relative level of federal funding for state and local services. There are, however, substantial cuts in Medicaid on top of the cuts detailed in this report. The budget would cut federal Medicaid expenditures by $18.2 billion over five years (with $17.4 billion in reductions from legislative changes and another $800 million from regulatory changes). These “savings” would primarily be achieved not by lowering health care costs, but rather by shifting costs to the states. (See box on page 5.)

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: US Spends $88 on the Military for Every Buck Fighting Climate Change

AlterNet: Blogs: PEEK: US Spends $88 on the Military for Every Buck Fighting Climate Change: "It's a reflection of our priorities."

By Joshua Holland, AlterNet
Posted on January 31, 2008, Printed on February 4, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/www.alternet.org/75626/

A few days ago, a Spanish reader made his way through a story about these primary-related gender wars we're fighting, and had a suggestion. "I think you all must go to the shrink," he wrote, "in a kind of collective, nationwide, psychoanalysis."

Some support for that view surfaced this week, as the Institute for Policy Studies released a new report by Miriam Pemberton titled "Military vs. Climate Security." Pemberton found that for each dollar the U.S. government spends on fighting global warming, it throws $88 at the military. It's a stunning -- and telling --ratio, but it's not the whole story; according to the report, "even the modest $7 billion in the federal climate change budget is badly targeted toward what ought to be low priorities, while major climate priorities get short shrift."

The shocking thing is that the 88:1 ratio is actually an improvement over recent years; from the report:

Releasing its latest report to Congress on federal climate spending, the Bush administration highlighted the fact that during the previous five years it had spent more than $37 billion for this purpose. During the same period, it spent more than $3.5 trillion on its military forces. That means:
  • During the last five years the ratio of military security to climate security spending has averaged 97 to 1.
  • The government is allocating 99% of combined federal spending on military and climate security to military security.
  • The U.S. government budgeted $20 to develop new weapons systems for every dollar it requested to develop new technologies to stabilize the climate.
  • We will devote 50 times as much to arming the rest of the world as to helping it prepare for and avoid global climate catastrophe.

I know those Canadians have been looking sideways at us lately, and I'm as nervous as the next guy about their intentions, but, really, in a world without a conventional (nation-state) enemy, these numbers are signs of a nationwide, bipartisan mental illness.

It's all the more so given that the military itself sees global warming as a potential security threat. As the Washington Post reported last spring:

[A new report by the US Army war College] lays out a detailed case for how global warming could destabilize vulnerable states in Africa and Asia and drive a flood of migrants to richer countries. It focuses on how climate change "can act as a threat multiplier for instability in some of the most volatile regions of the world," in part by causing water shortages and damaging food production.
"Many developing nations do not have the government and social infrastructures in place to cope with the type of stressors that could be brought about by global climate change," the report states. "When a government can no longer deliver services to its people, ensure domestic order, and protect the nation's borders from invasion, conditions are ripe for turmoil, extremism and terrorism to fill the vacuum."

A good argument can be made that conservatives' greatest rhetorical victory in recent years has been their ability to shift the discourse about the role of government from whether it's performing effectively or not to a debate -- an artificial one in many ways -- about whether it should be "big" or "small." Progressives usually respond to conservatives' claims that they're better fiscal managers with a fact-based argument, noting that it's been the Democrats who have controlled federal spending over the past 40 years, while Republicans have truly gone on a bender worthy of that proverbial drunken sailor. Paleo-conservative Richard Viguerie -- a critic of Bush from the right -- uses these numbers in his book, Conservatives Betrayed:

Inflation-adjusted growth in federal expenditures:
Nixon/Ford … 14.1%
Carter … 13.1%
Reagan … 9.7%
Bush I … 13.4 %
Clinton … 4.2%
Bush II … 19.2% (through 2005)

I've always thought that a better approach is to confront the premise of the big/small government debate head-on by stating what should be obvious: government should be no bigger than needed to accomplish the tasks people want it to do, and the question of whether a government is doing that effectively or not is really the only issue that matters. Forget about big and small -- good governance should be the goal on which everyone agrees.

Ultimately, the question of priorities is inseparable from that discussion. In a world of finite resources, how are our tax dollars being spent? This latest study offers some insight into that question, and the results aren't encouraging.

*****

PS: if you haven't signed up for my Corporate Accountability and Workplace newsletter, you really should. This week, I sent out 8 stories, 5 of which hadn't appeared on the front page. If you're not into the special coverage areas -- all of them -- then you're missing out on a lot of content. Sign up now, and stop missing out!

Joshua Holland is an editor and senior writer at AlterNet.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/www.alternet.org/75626/

AlterNet: Environment: Leading Dems Are in King Coal's Pocket

AlterNet: Environment: Leading Dems Are in King Coal's Pocket: "Despite their inspiring speeches on global warming, they've bought into the sham of coal's reemergence as a 'clean' source of energy."

By Jeff Biggers, Huffington Post
Posted on January 29, 2008, Printed on February 4, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/74594/

Let's face it: Every single presidential candidate with a veritable chance at victory, Democrat and Republican, is in the hip pocket of King Coal.

The Republicans, of course, make no bones about their unfettered support for strip-mining and lax mining safety. Despite the undeniable fact that coal-fired plants in our country account for 40 percent of carbon dioxide emissions, drastic strip-mining techniques have laid waste to 450 mountains and adjacent communities in Appalachia -- an area the size of some primaries states -- and mining safety laws continue to operate on poorly enforced crisis management policies, Republicans proudly tout the Orwellian vision of Clean Coal, or more recently, Patriot Coal.

The main three Democratic contenders, alas, cushion their support for King Coal in the guise of Cap and Trade charades, "low carbon" coal technologies, and the chimerical dream of coal-to-liquid fuel, an outrageously expensive technology championed by Nazi Germany and South Africa's apartheid regime.

Bottom line: Despite their inspiring speeches on global warming and environmental protection and workplace safety, the Democrats have bought into the same sham of coal's reemergence as a "clean" source of energy for the future.

Worse yet, they've allowed one of the most ominous publicity campaigns to join their own primary bandwagons with its wicked backdrop of misinformation.

As Robert Kennedy, Jr. pointed out on Huffington Post last fall, a fierce alliance of King Coal barons and energy companies have re-invented themselves as "America's Power" and quietly cosponsored presidential debates, aired an unprecedented number of ads in key primary states, and has now let loose the hounds of "volunteers" at presidential primary events across the country in the get-up of a "Power Van."

Taking a page from a bad Vegas show, illuminated walking billboards with a piece of coal now haunt virtually every Sin City political event, from Clinton's Caucus Kick-Off and Balloon Rally to Obama's Town Hall meeting.

While anti-nuclear waste protestors were ushered away from the bally-hooed Oprah-Obama rally in South Carolina last fall, thousands of voters filed through the "America's Power Van" at the entrance of the Williams-Bryce Stadium, where they learned, according to the alliance's slick website, "about our commitment to continued reduction of regulated emissions, the development of technology to capture and storage greenhouse gases, providing reliable, affordable electricity and protecting America's security."

Kennedy, for all of his best and brightest verve, like most Democrats, lost his street cred on this issue when he endorsed Sen. Hillary Clinton, a candidate that America's Power showers praise on, since, as one of America's Power 's founders says, "Hillary recognizes that new power plants using coal can't be expected to put carbon capture and storage technologies on that don't yet exist."

A long-time supporter of southern Illinois's powerhouse coal industry, Senator Barack Obama's campaign website triumphantly declares: "Obama will significantly increase the resources devoted to the commercialization and deployment of low-carbon coal technologies."

While former Senator John Edwards has gone farther than any candidate in calling for a halt to new coal-fired plants, rejecting coal-to-liquid boondoggles, and refusing to accept donations from energy corporations, he ultimately falls back on the hands-in-the-air, what-can-we-do scenario. His campaign website declares: "Coal is a major source of power in the United States, where it generates half of electricity. The U.S. and the rest of the world is likely to rely on coal for it energy needs for decades or longer."

Oh well, what's a voter to do when national polls show the majority of Americans are overwhelmingly against strip-mining in Appalachia, rank global warming at the top of their concerns, or when our entire federal alternative energy budget is less than a week of expenditures in Iraq?

Some voters are responding. In truth, 2008 is the year of the coal reckoning. The construction of new coal-fired plants are being fought in nearly 30 states across the county. Take Kansas; ain't nothing the matter there. Thanks to a citizen's movements, that so-called red state became the first in the nation to reject efforts to build more coal-fired plants, due to considerations of carbon dioxide emissions. Across Appalachia and the South, an extraordinary crossover campaign of citizens groups have launched one of the most aggressive anti-strip-mining movements in history. Their campaign has gone national: You can now view your personal connection to the consumption of coal from communities and mountains and ancient forests obliterated by radical strip-mining.

Perhaps the Democratic candidates will reconsider their connection to coal; or, perhaps these citizen movements will force them to follow the lead of a citizens party.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/74594/

AlterNet: Environment: The Threat of Population Growth Pales Beside the Greed of the Rich

AlterNet: Environment: The Threat of Population Growth Pales Beside the Greed of the Rich: "Some blame the poor for growing pressure on the world's resources, but the wealthy West takes the lion's share."

By George Monbiot, Comment Is Free
Posted on January 31, 2008, Printed on February 4, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/75474/

I cannot avoid the subject any longer. Almost every day I receive a clutch of emails about it, asking the same question. A frightening new report has just pushed it up the political agenda: for the first time the World Food Program is struggling to find the supplies it needs for emergency famine relief. So why, like most environmentalists, won't I mention the p-word? According to its most vociferous proponents (Paul and Anne Ehrlich), population is "our number one environmental problem." But most greens will not discuss it.

Is this sensitivity or is it cowardice? Perhaps a bit of both. Population growth has always been politically charged, and always the fault of someone else. Seldom has the complaint been heard that "people like us are breeding too fast". For the prosperous clergyman Thomas Malthus, writing in 1798, the problem arose from the fecklessness of the laboring classes. Through the 19th and early 20th centuries, eugenicists warned that white people would be outbred. In rich nations in the 1970s the issue was over-emphasized, as it is the one environmental problem for which poor nations are largely to blame. But the question still needs to be answered. Is population really our number one environmental problem?

The Optimum Population Trust (OPT) cites some shocking figures, produced by the UN. They show that if the global population keeps growing at its current rate, it will reach 134 trillion by 2300. But this is plainly absurd: no one expects it to happen. In 2005, the UN estimated that the world's population will more or less stabilize in 2200 at 10 billion. But a paper published in Nature last week suggests that there is an 88 percent chance that global population growth will end during this century.

In other words, if we accept the UN's projection, the global population will grow by roughly 50 percent and then stop. This means it will become 50 percent harder to stop runaway climate change, 50 percent harder to feed the world, 50 percent harder to prevent the overuse of resources. But compare this rate of increase with the rate of economic growth.

Many economists predict that, occasional recessions notwithstanding, the global economy will grow by about 3 percent a year this century. Governments will do all they can to prove them right. A steady growth rate of 3 percent means a doubling of economic activity every 23 years. By 2100, in other words, global consumption will increase by about 1,600 percent. As the equations produced by Professor Roderick Smith of Imperial College have shown, this means that in the 21st century we will have used 16 times as many economic resources as human beings have consumed since we came down from the trees.

So economic growth this century could be 32 times as big an environmental issue as population growth. And if governments, banks and businesses have their way, it never stops. By 2115, the cumulative total rises to 3,200 percent, by 2138 to 6,400 percent. As resources are finite, this is of course impossible, but it is not hard to see that rising economic activity -- not human numbers -- is the immediate and overwhelming threat.

Those who emphasize the dangers of population growth maintain that times have changed: they are not concerned only with population growth in the poor world, but primarily with growth in the rich world, where people consume much more. The OPT maintains that the "global environmental impact of an inhabitant of Bangladesh … will increase by a factor of 16 if he or she emigrates to the USA." This is surely not quite true, as recent immigrants tend to be poorer than the native population, but the general point stands: population growth in the rich world, largely driven by immigration, is more environmentally damaging than an increase in population in the poor world. In the US and the UK, their ecological impact has become another stick with which immigrants can be beaten.

But growth rates in the US and UK are atypical; even the OPT concedes that by 2050 "the population of the most developed countries is expected to remain almost unchanged, at 1.2 billion." The population of the EU 25 (the first 25 nations to join the union) is likely to decline by 7 million.

This, I accept, is of little consolation to people in the UK, where the government now expects numbers to rise from 61 million to 77 million by 2050. Eighty per cent of the growth here, according to the OPT, is the direct or indirect result of immigration (recent arrivals tend to produce more children). Migrationwatch UK claims that migrants bear much of the responsibility for Britain's housing crisis. A graph on its website suggests that without them the rate of housebuilding in England between 1997 and 2004 would have exceeded new households by 20,000-40,000 a year.

Is this true? According to the Office for National Statistics, average net immigration to the UK between 1997 and 2004 was 153,000. Let us (generously) assume that 90 percent of these people settled in England, and that their household size corresponded to the average for 2004, of 2.3. This would mean that new immigrants formed 60,000 households a year. The Barker Review, commissioned by the Treasury, shows that in 2002, the nearest available year, 138,000 houses were built in England, while over the 10 years to 2000, average household formation was 196,000. This rough calculation suggests that Migrationwatch is exaggerating, but that immigration is still an important contributor to housing pressure. But even total population growth in England is responsible for only about 35 percent of the demand for homes. Most of the rest is the result of the diminishing size of households.

Surely there is one respect in which the growing human population constitutes the primary threat? The amount of food the world eats bears a direct relationship to the number of mouths. After years of glut, the storerooms are suddenly empty and grain prices are rocketing. How will another 3 billion be fed?

Even here, however, population growth is not the most immediate issue: another sector is expanding much faster. The UN's Food and Agriculture Organization expects that global meat production will double by 2050 - growing, in other words, at two and a half times the rate of human numbers. The supply of meat has already trebled since 1980: farm animals now take up 70 percent of all agricultural land and eat one third of the world's grain. In the rich nations we consume three times as much meat and four times as much milk per capita as the people of the poor world. While human population growth is one of the factors that could contribute to a global food deficit, it is not the most urgent.

None of this means that we should forget about it. Even if there were no environmental pressures caused by population growth, we should still support the measures required to tackle it: universal sex education, universal access to contraceptives, better schooling and opportunities for poor women. Stabilizing or even reducing the human population would ameliorate almost all environmental impacts. But to suggest, as many of my correspondents do, that population growth is largely responsible for the ecological crisis is to blame the poor for the excesses of the rich.

George Monbiot is the author Heat: How to Stop the Planet from Burning. Read more of his writings at Monbiot.com. This article originally appeared in the Guardian.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/75474/

AlterNet: Environment: Morgan Stanley: When Green Gets Sleazy

AlterNet: Environment: Morgan Stanley: When Green Gets Sleazy

High powered companies like Morgan Stanley are pushing a green image, but they're funding some of the worst environment projects.

By Peggy Drexler, Huffington Post
Posted on February 4, 2008, Printed on February 4, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/75775/

Something called the Little Green Book showed up in my e-mail box the other day. It's a very creative viral marketing piece from Morgan Stanley that allows friends to pass on 50 things that any household can do to "make life greener and help tackle climate change."

Unfortunately, this well-done and helpful book is also a good example of the threat to real action on climate change. As long as we have the illusion of easy answers, we can avoid taking on the hard ones.

What you don't know unless you do a quick search of Morgan Stanley and CO2 is that in 2007, the company was one of the lead banks, along with Citigroup and Merrill Lynch, in a proposed project by the energy company TXU to build 11 coal-fired plants in Texas. The project came under sharp and wide attack from Texans, neighboring states, environmental groups and others.

The problem: even though they were new plants, they would use old technology -- burning cheap, but dirty pulverized coal that would put 78 million tons of CO2 a year into the atmosphere -- not to mention mercury and assorted other unpleasant byproducts of coal combustion.

Environmental Defense, by all accounts a practical and collaborative environmental group, offered some perspective. The added C02 output from those 11 plants would match the total for Sweden, Denmark and Portugal combined. It would be like putting 10 million Cadillac Escalades on the road, or cutting and burning all the trees in a forest the size of California.

The 11 plants were cut to three, but only as an environmental incentive to allow completion of a private equity buy-out. That leaves one to ponder how eight of the 11 plants that TXU argued were essential to meeting demand could so easily be thrown over the side.

As one part of Morgan Stanley was funding a project that would produce CO2 at a rate 2.6 times the total benefit of California's hard-fought greenhouse gas reduction program, another part was creating a booklet that said the answer to climate change is shorter showers, recycled plastic bags and using bicycles for local errands.

This is bad news for our children.

Truly dealing with climate change is going to ask a lot of Americans -- even giving up our fuel-chugging land cruisers, toasty room temperatures and other perks of a nation that grew up on cheap energy and assumptions that our planet could take whatever we dish out. It's going to ask a lot of people in developing countries who rightly aspire to how we live.

Sacrifice and hypocrisy are a bad mix in the cause of change.

There is evidence that for a number of companies painting themselves green, the base coat is disturbingly thin. They appear to be following that time-tested script for avoiding change that hurts profits: deny it, delay it, dilute it, do it, market it.

An environmental marketing company recently surveyed six big-box retailers and found 1,000 consumer items that made 1,700 environmental claims. Every one of them had at least one hidden trade off, unproven generalization, irrelevant statement or outright fabrication.

The auto makers are moving quickly to give us better hybrids and new electric cars, but still fund an army of lobbyists to fight emission and mileage standards.

Celebrities have done a great job of building consensus. But they tear it down again when a rock star flies 10,000 miles on a private jet with a staff of 20 to pick up an environmental award.

Big change cries out for big leadership. People are being asked to alter their lives and downsize their expectations in return for uncertain benefits that won't even appear until many of us are gone.

If there is a hint that the color green is just a thin veneer of marketing and misdirection, commitment will falter, change will fail, and the future will pay.

Peggy Drexler, Ph.D., is an assistant professor of psychology at Weill Medical College of Cornell University and a former gender scholar at Stanford University. She is the author of Raising Boys Without Men (Rodale, 2005) and can be reached at www.peggydrexler.com.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/75775/

AlterNet: Environment: There Are Green '08 Candidates, and Then There Are Some That Aren't ... at All

AlterNet: Environment: There Are Green '08 Candidates, and Then There Are Some That Aren't ... at All

By Tara Lohan, AlterNet
Posted on February 4, 2008, Printed on February 4, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/75814/

If you're not sure where presidential contenders, Democratic or Republican, stand on environmental issues -- it's not surprising. There has been little discussion in the debates.

According to the Natural Resources Defense Action Fund, you're more likely to know what a candidate thinks of UFOs than their position on what we should do about global warming. On Tim Russert's Meet the Press there have been 827 questions to candidates and zero mentioned global warming. Same for George Stephanopoulus on ABC's This Week and Bob Schiefffer on CBS's Face the Nation. CNN's Wolf Blitzer had two questions out of 402 and Chris Wallace on Fox also had two out of 563.

Despite mainstream media's coverage, where candidates stand on global warming and our energy future should be a pressing concern for voters. And there are differences between the candidates.

What are the main issues?

Carbon Emissions

Let's start with Clinton. The League of Conservation Voters (LCV) has given Clinton a lifetime score of 90 (out of 100) points in her record on the environment and her policies. She is a cosponsor of the Global Warming Pollution Reduction Act, considered by many to be the strongest global warming legislation introduced in the Senate.

In many instances she falls right in step with LCV's guidelines. Like LCV, to deal with global warming she supports a mandatory cap on emissions and an 80 percent reduction on carbon emissions by 2050. This is the language that most environmental groups are supporting, including the popular Step It Up and 1Sky campaigns.

Obama, who has a score of 96 from LCV, and is also a cosponsor of the Global Warming Pollution Reduction Act, has the same position. These two Democrats fall right in step with the mainstream environmental movement on this point.

For Republicans, the story is a different. McCain (LCV score of 26), has billed himself as the most enviro-friendly of his party and was recently endorsement by Gov. Schwarzenegger at a solar roofing company, of all places. The Governor said of McCain, "He's a crusader, has a great vision, in protecting the environment and also protecting the economy."

McCain introduced legislation (with Joe Lieberman) in the Senate, called the Climate Stewardship and Innovation Act, which would cap emissions at 2004 levels by 2012 and then decrease them by 30 percent by 2050, a much less ambitious plan then what many environmental organizations and leading scientists have said is necessary.

The rest of the Republican field doesn't offer much. Huckabee (no score from LCV) said he would support cap and trade but hasn't given any specifics; Ron Paul (LCV score of 30) does not support cap and trade; and Romney (no score from LCV) says no unless the rest of the world also participates in the system -- so much for the U.S. taking a leading role in world politics on this one.

Fuel Efficiency

Clinton supports setting a fuel efficiency level of 40 mpg by 2020 and 50 mpg by 2030, pretty much in line with LVC, and other enviros, as well. Obama, is similar but gives a bit of a break to the bigger vehicles, supporting 40 mpg by 2020 but only 32 for light trucks.

McCain says he supports raising standards but hasn't offered specifics. While Huckabee is on board for 35 mpg by 2020. Romney and Paul both oppose fuel efficiency standards.

Energy Consumption and Renewables

Things get a little more dicey with the candidates on specific energy policy. Clinton supports 25 percent of energy from renewables by 2025 and LCV advocates for 20 percent by 2020. She also supports at 20 percent reduction in energy consumption by 2020 -- a bit above LCV's 10 percent.

Obama also advocates 25 percent by 2025, but while Clinton calls for a $50 billion dollar investment fund for renewables, Obama sets the bar at $150 billion. And he calls for a 50 percent reduction by 2030 in consumption.

McCain and Romney support renewables but don't offer any plan. Huckabee calls for 15 percent of energy from renewables by 2020 (but this also includes "clean coal" and nuclear). And Paul is willing to let he market try to solve this problem and opposes using subsidies to help that process out.

Coal

There is really no candidate in the race right now that gets it right on coal.

LCV, Step It Up, 1Sky, and other environmental organizations support a moratorium on all new coal plants unless they capture and store carbon -- meaning they can burn coal but they have to get rid of the carbon emissions. However, the reality is that carbon capture is a technology which has so far remained unproven at the industrial level. Plans to store carbon underground have run into much criticism. Also, residents of coal country, particularly Appalachia have come out strongly against any technology using coal because the extraction and cleaning process, which involves blowing up mountains, burying rivers, and polluting watershed and communities, wreaks environmental and cultural havoc.

Clinton supports a phase-in on the requirement to capture and store carbon at plants and Obama would consider a moratorium on new coal plants if it doesn't slow construction of them. This last qualifiers seems a little odd, already coal plant construction is running into roadblocks and a whole bunch of new plants were recently scrapped. But both support the notion of "clean coal" which fails to consider the destructive extraction and cleaning costs of coal.

Both Democratic candidates also support investing in liquid coal, if it reduces pollution by over 20 percent from gasoline levels -- which, right now, it does not.

And the Republicans are basically all for coal (or won't articulate their position), including "clean coal" and coal-to-liquids.

Biofuels

Although controversial among many environmental groups, there seems to be little controversy among the candidates when it comes to biofuels. Many environmental groups are against biofuel production which has caused the destruction of virgin forests across the world, including the Amazon. It is also pesticide and water intensive, takes agricultural land out of food production or conservation and has raised the price of corn around the world.

But, likely not wanting to upset the voters of Iowa, Clinton and Obama want the U.S. aiming for 60 billion gallons of homegrown biofuels to be available by 2030.

Ron Paul thinks this one is also up to the market and wouldn't offer subsidies and the rest of the Republican field is in favor in increased use of biofuels.

Nuclear

With a new interest from much of the world in global warming, the nuclear industry is trying to make a comeback, including billing itself as a clean or renewable source of energy (neither of which is accurate).

Clinton doesn't have much to say about nuclear power. She is not against it seemingly, and not also not advocating for it, unless they get that little problem of waste storage figured out (don't hold your breath on that one). Obama has taken a position that has resulted in a lot of heat from enviros by supporting nuclear energy and their climate change bill in Congress would give generous subsidies to the nuke industry.

All the Republicans are for nuclear power and McCain's climate bill would also give a nice payoff to the nuclear industry.

What They're Saying About Them

Certainly these issues aren't all that is important in the environmental movement, but it is a start. Overall, the Democratic contenders have taken a hopeful road in terms of environmental action and also a relatively safe one, in terms of popular opinion. Neither has shown that they are visionaries, but both have promise.

The story is a bit different for the Republicans. McCain is the only one who seems to be making an effort, but for a candidate who says that global warming will be one of three priorities if he takes office, he needs a lot less talk and more action in line with what the environmental movement and leading scientists are advocating for.

The rest of the Republicans are sadly out of touch with Americans and the world.

Here's some closing words for LCV that flesh out more about each candidates' record.

Hillary Clinton

In addressing the climate crisis, Sen. Clinton's approach emphasizes the potential to strengthen the economy and create new jobs. In fact, she estimates that her energy plan will create 5 million new "green collar" jobs. In addition, Sen. Clinton would create a National Energy Council, similar to the National Security Council, to help coordinate the implementation of her energy plan across the Executive Branch.
On other issues, Sen. Clinton has been a leader on the nexus between environmental protections and public health issues, particularly when it comes to children's health. As First Lady, she worked with Sen. Barbara Boxer to propose the Children's Environmental Protection Act, a bill to require the government to set health and safety standards at levels that protect children. Sen. Clinton has consistently voted to protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and believes we must protect our national parks and forests for future generations. However, in 2006 she voted to allow new drilling off the coasts of Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana.

Barack Obama

In discussing the climate crisis, Sen. Obama has made a point of acknowledging that there will be a cost on the front-end for transforming the way we use energy, but that we can also create a new generation of clean energy jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities. He has also introduced the Health Care for Hybrids Act, which would provide automakers with government assistance to help pay their health care costs if they put some of those savings into creating more fuel-efficient cars.
Sen. Obama has consistently voted to protect our nation's coasts and beaches by opposing offshore drilling. However, he has expressed concerns with the Hardrock Mining Reform Act of 2007, which establishes a royalty for mines operating on public lands and uses the proceeds to help clean up abandoned mines, but he does support reforming the 1872 mining law.

John McCain

Among the Republicans running for president, Sen. McCain holds the distinction of being the only candidate to make global warming a part of his campaign agenda and to regularly address it on the campaign trail ... Yet Sen. McCain's climate bill would reduce carbon emissions only 65 percent by 2050,5 whereas science tell us we must meet or exceed 80 percent reductions by 2050 to avoid major environmental catastrophes.
While Sen. McCain supports developing clean energy sources, including wind, solar and biofuels, he also is a fervent advocate of nuclear power ... In 2005, he voted against a Renewable Electricity Standard that would have required electric utilities to produce 10 percent of their electricity from clean, renewable sources by 2020. On other environmental issues, Sen. McCain says that he supports efforts to protect our natural heritage by protecting our national parks, but he has not consistently voted to protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

Mitt Romney

Former Governor Mitt Romney has acknowledged that global warming is real, but he has not released a comprehensive plan to address the climate crisis and our energy challenges ... In fact, the energy section of his website touts a quote from the governor in which he advocates using more nuclear power and tapping in to more domestic sources of oil, including the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Additionally, what few details Gov. Romney has offered regarding his energy plan do not include any concrete goals, targets or timelines.
Aside from energy policy, Gov. Romney's environmental record in Massachusetts was widely regarded as disappointing. For example, Gov. Romney vetoed spending increases for Massachusetts state parks, which rank 48th in the country for per capita spending, and cut the state Department of Environmental Protection's budget and staff, weakening enforcement of environmental laws as a result.

Mike Huckabee

Former Governor Mike Huckabee has acknowledged that global warming is a problem, but he has not released a comprehensive plan to address the climate crisis and our energy challenges ... He has placed a higher priority on energy issues than some of his Republican rivals, noting on his campaign website that the first thing he will do as president is send Congress a plan for energy independence, but he has not offered a detailed plan.
Gov. Huckabee believes a national energy policy should also include exploring for oil and gas in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and off U.S. coasts ... Gov. Huckabee's tenure as governor is mixed. Early in his administration, he referred to "environmental wackos" in a discussion with the Farm Bureau. Later, he opposed tighter water quality standards for the Illinois River after high levels of phosphorous from sewage, animal waste and fertilizer in northwest Arkansas were detected.

Ron Paul

Representative Ron Paul is a climate skeptic and he has not released a comprehensive plan to address the climate crisis and our energy challenges. In Congress, he has generally voted against environmental policies. In fact, early this year, Rep. Paul voted to block requiring that a national intelligence estimate on global climate change be submitted to Congress. In addition, he has voted to allow drilling off of America's coasts and in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. However, Rep. Paul has consistently voted against subsidies for oil companies and other anti-environmental efforts.

For more great resources on the candidates, check out Grist and The League of Conservation Voters.

AlterNet is a non profit organization and does not make political endorsements. The opinions expressed by our writers are their own.

Tara Lohan is a managing editor at AlterNet.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/75814/

The Skewed Benefits of the Tax Cuts: With the Tax Cuts Extended, Top 1 Percent of Households Would Receive, 2/4/08

The Skewed Benefits of the Tax Cuts: With the Tax Cuts Extended, Top 1 Percent of Households Would Receive More Than $1.1 Trillion in Tax Benefits Over the Next Decade
By
Aviva Aron-Dine, 2/4/08

Under current law, nearly all provisions of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts are scheduled to expire at the end of 2010. The President’s budget calls for making these tax cuts permanent.

The enacted tax cuts and their extension carry a high cost. This raises the question: how would the large sums involved be distributed among different income groups?

The Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center has produced estimates of how the benefits of the income and estate tax reductions enacted in 2001 and 2003 will be distributed among households at different income levels in coming years, if these tax cuts are extended. (The estimates assume that relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax is continued. Without extension of AMT relief, the AMT would cancel out a substantial portion of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts; see the discussion on pages 5-6.)

Estimates from the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation indicate that the cost of the tax-cut provisions the Tax Policy Center has analyzed would be $3.7 trillion over the 2009-2018 period, if these provisions are extended. Applying the Tax Policy Center estimates of the share of the tax cuts that would go to each income group to the CBO/Joint Tax Committee estimates of the tax cuts’ cost shows:

Table 1:
Distribution of the Tax Cuts, 2009-2018

Income Group

Dollar Amount
(In Billions of Dollars)

Percentage Share

Lowest 20 percent

$18

0%

Second 20 percent

159

4%

Middle 20 percent

278

8%

Fourth 20 percent

500

14%

Top 20 percent

2,735

74%

Total

3,700

100%

Top 1 percent

1,138

31%

Above $1 million

812

22%

Source: CBPP calculations based on Joint Tax Committee, CBO, and Tax Policy Center data.

* Less than 0.5 percent.

  • From 2009 through 2018, households with annual incomes of more than $1 million — a group that comprises the highest income 0.3 percent of the population — would receive $812 billion in tax cuts. This represents 22 percent of the total value of the tax cuts over the period.
  • More than $1.1 trillion in tax cuts would go to the top 1 percent of households, a group with annual incomes above $450,000 in 2008. The highest income 1 percent of households thus would receive nearly one third of the tax cuts’ total value.
  • The bottom 60 percent of households would receive 12 percent of the tax cuts’ value, or well under half the amount that would go to the top 1 percent. (See Table 1; for year-by-year detail, see the appendix tables.)

The Distribution of the Tax Cuts When They Are Fully in Effect

Fiscal year 2012 is the first year in which the costs of choosing to extend the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts would be fully felt. It is informative to consider how the benefits of the tax cuts would be distributed in that year.

In fiscal year 2012, the cost of the income and estate tax cuts examined by the Tax Policy Center would amount to $339 billion.

Taxpayers with incomes above $1 million would receive tax cuts worth $74 billion, a little over one fifth of the tax cuts’ total value in 2012. The average tax cut per household for this group would be $162,000, according to Tax Policy Center estimates.

The top 1 percent of the population would receive tax cuts totaling $105 billion, close to one third of the tax cuts’ total value. These households would receive tax cuts averaging $67,000.

In contrast, the 20 percent of households in the middle fifth of the income scale would receive tax cuts worth $26 billion in 2012. This is only one fourth of the amount going to the top 1 percent of households, despite the fact that 20 times as many households are in the middle fifth of the income scale as are in the top 1 percent. The average tax cut for households in this group would be $840.

Other measures also show that the benefits of the tax cuts would be very unevenly distributed. Many economists believe the best way to assess the progressivity or regressivity of a tax cut is to compare the percentages by which the tax cut increases the after-tax incomes of different groups of households. This approach tends to make tax cuts going to low-income households appear relatively large, since a tax cut of a specific dollar amount will raise the after-tax income of a low-income household by a much larger percentage than it will raise the after-tax income of a high-income household.

Even by this measure, the benefits conferred by the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts are much greater for high-income households than for low- and middle-income households. The Tax Policy Center estimates show that in 2012, the tax cuts will boost the after-tax incomes of households with annual pre-tax incomes above $1 million by 7.5 percent on average. In contrast, the tax cuts will raise the after-tax incomes of households in the middle quintile by 2.3 percent and raise the after-tax incomes of households in the bottom quintile by less than 1 percent (see Table 2). Thus, even if the tax cuts are measured relative to households’ incomes, they are worth much more to high-income households than to those in the middle or bottom of the income scale.

Table 2:
Distribution of the Tax Cuts in 2012

Income Group

Average Tax Cut in Dollars

Percent Increase in After-Tax Income

Lowest 20 percent

$45

0.5%

Second 20 percent

470

2.1%

Middle 20 percent

840

2.3%

Fourth 20 percent

1,500

2.4%

Top 20 percent

8,000

4.6%

Top 1 percent

67,000

6.8%

Above $1 million

162,000

7.5%

Source: Tax Policy Center

Moreover, these estimates, which show all groups of households receiving at least some small benefit from the tax cuts, do not take into account the fact that the tax cuts ultimately must be paid for. As former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan has warned, “If you’re going to lower taxes, you shouldn’t be borrowing essentially the tax cut… [T]hat over the long run is not a stable fiscal situation.”[1] Tax Policy Center data indicate that, even if the enacted tax cuts and their extension eventually were paid for through a balanced package of program cuts and progressive tax increases (rather than solely through benefit cuts), the bottom four fifths of households would likely lose, on average, from the combination of the tax cuts and the measures needed to finance them.[2] That is, once the need to pay for the tax cuts is taken into account, the 2001 and 2003 “tax cuts” are best seen as net tax cuts for the top 20 percent of households, as a group, financed by net tax increases or benefit reductions for the remaining 80 percent of households, as a group.

Putting the Cost of the Tax Cuts in Context

When the tax cuts are fully in effect, the cost of the tax cuts going to the very highest income households will be greater, in today’s terms, than the amounts spent on various high-priority programs.

  • In 2007 terms, the cost of tax cuts for households with annual incomes above $1 million will exceed what the federal government spent last year on K-12 and vocational education. It similarly will exceed the federal resources dedicated to hospital and other medical care for veterans, as well the resources provided for medical research conducted by the National Institutes of Health (see Figure 1).
  • The cost of tax cuts for the highest-income 1 percent of households will exceed the entire 2007 budget of the Department of Education. It similarly will exceed the entire 2007 budget of the Department of Veterans’ Affairs. And it also will be greater than the combined budgets of the Departments of Housing and Urban Development, Energy, and the Environmental Protection Agency.

The Cost of the Tax Cuts Relative to the Savings From Program Cuts

The President’s budget proposes to make permanent the tax cuts enacted in 2001 and 2003. At the same time, the President has proposed substantial cuts to domestic programs in each of the next five years. In 2009, the President’s budget would cut funding for domestic non-entitlement programs by about $15 billion; the proposed cuts include reductions in education programs, health research, environmental programs, and others. In 2009, the cost of tax cuts for households with incomes above $1 million will be $51 billion (see Figure 2) — more than three times the size of the savings the President’s proposed cuts to domestic discretionary programs will produce.

APPENDIX: FURTHER EXPLANATION OF THE DISTRIBUTIONAL ESTIMATES

This appendix provides a more detailed explanation of the methodology used in this analysis and of our treatment of the Alternative Minimum Tax. It also discusses some of the issues surrounding multi-year distributional estimates. Finally, it provides tables showing the year-by-year distribution of the tax cuts.

Methodology

This analysis examines the distribution of the individual income tax and estate tax cuts enacted in 2001 and 2003 and associated Alternative Minimum Tax relief. (See below for a discussion of the AMT.) The Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation have provided estimates of the cost of these tax cuts and their extension, and the Tax Policy Center has issued estimates of the distribution of the benefits of these provisions. We apply the Tax Policy Center’s distributional estimates to the cost estimates provided by CBO and the Joint Tax Committee.[3]

The Tax Policy Center provided estimates of the distribution of the tax cuts by income group for the years 2007, 2010, 2012, and 2017. We constructed approximate distributions for the intervening years. Because not all provisions of the tax cuts take full effect until 2010, we use the 2007 distributional estimates for the years 2008 and 2009. This means that our estimates of the shares of the tax cuts that will go to high-income households in those years are conservative, since several tax provisions that primarily benefit high-income households are phasing in over this period and, as a result, the overall distribution of the tax cuts is becoming gradually more skewed to the top.

For 2011, we take the average of the 2010 and 2012 tax cut shares going to each income group. Similarly, for the years 2013-2016, we smooth the change between the 2012 and 2017 distributional estimates; that is, we change the percentage share going to each group in each of these years by one fifth of the total change in that group’s share of the tax cuts between 2012 and 2017 (we apply the same percentage change to compute estimates for 2018). This method approximates the likely changes in the actual distribution over time, which would be steady and gradual (and largely reflect real income growth) once all the tax cut provisions were fully in effect.

Our Treatment of the Alternative Minimum Tax

The figures presented in this analysis are estimates of the benefits that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts and their extension would provide to various income groups, assuming that the Alternative Minimum Tax relief that expired at the end of 2007 were extended.

If AMT relief were not extended, much of the value of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts would be taken back by the AMT. This would occur because taxpayers owe the Alternative Minimum Tax whenever their tax liability, as calculated under the AMT, is higher than their tax liability under the regular income tax. The 2001 and 2003 tax cuts sharply reduced households’ tax liability under the regular income tax, without changing the structure of the AMT. As a result, with the tax cuts in place, AMT liability exceeds regular income tax liability for millions of additional households. These households then owe tax based on their AMT and not their regular income-tax liability, and hence do not benefit in full from the tax cuts.

According to the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center, the AMT will take back more than a quarter of the President’s tax cuts by 2010 if AMT relief is not extended. Put another way, much of the cost of providing AMT relief reflects the cost of providing taxpayers with the full value of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts. Specifically, CBO estimates that, if the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts are extended, extending AMT relief through 2018 will cost $1.3 trillion. Tax Policy Center estimates indicate that almost two thirds of that cost reflects the cost of keeping the AMT from canceling out substantial portions of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts.

The estimates in this analysis include the two thirds of the cost of AMT relief that reflects the cost of providing taxpayers with the full value of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts. The estimates do not include the smaller portion of AMT relief that reflects the cost of addressing the AMT problem that preexisted the tax cuts.[4]

Multi-Year Distributional Estimates

The value of the multi-year distributional estimates presented in this analysis is that they allow us to examine the distribution of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts over time and to make comparisons between the amounts being spent on tax reductions for households in various income groups and the amounts being spent on other policy goals.

Some may argue that the multi-year distributional estimates presented here are problematic because the composition of income groups changes over time. In other words, the households that will make up the top 1 percent of the population in 2009 are not all the same as the households that will make up the top 1 percent of the population in 2018. To the extent that households experience income changes over the ten-year period, the distribution of the tax cuts over time might be somewhat less skewed than these estimates show.

The available evidence suggests, however, that most households do not experience dramatic income shifts over the course of a decade. For example, a study that examined economic mobility over the course of the 1990s found that slightly more than half of those households that were in the bottom or top quintiles of the income scale at the beginning of the decade were in that same quintile at the end of the decade, and about three-quarters were in either the same or the next quintile.[5] Another study, by the Congressional Budget Office, compared distributional estimates of tax cuts based on annual measures of income with estimates based on multi-year measures. It concluded that “the choice of either a longitudinal or an annual metric to measure a potential policy’s effects would not dramatically shift the overall distribution of any of the changes CBO examined.” [6] A study by economists in the Treasury Department’s Office of Tax Analysis found similar results.[7]

Appendix Table 1:
Distribution of the Tax Cuts By Income Percentile

2009-

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2018

Total Cost of Tax Cuts (billions) —2001 and 2003 Tax Cuts and Associated AMT Relief*

Enacted

202

213

119

22

8

8

9

10

11

11

615

Extended**

56

59

205

317

354

375

395

417

441

467

3,085

Total

258

272

324

339

362

383

405

427

452

478

3,700

Dollar Amount by Quintile (in billions of dollars)

Lowest 20 Percent

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

3

3

18

Second 20 Percent

12

12

14

15

16

16

17

18

19

20

159

Middle 20 Percent

24

22

26

26

28

29

30

31

32

33

278

Fourth 20 Percent

39

37

44

46

49

51

54

57

60

63

500

Top 20 Percent

183

200

238

250

268

284

300

318

337

357

2,735

Top 1 Percent

72

84

100

105

112

119

125

132

140

148

1,138

Percent Shares by Quintile

Lowest 20 Percent

0%***

0%***

0%***

0%***

0%***

0%***

0%***

1%

1%

1%

0%*

Second 20 Percent

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

4%

Middle 20 Percent

9%

9%

8%

8%

8%

8%

7%

7%

7%

7%

8%

Fourth 20 Percent

15%

15%

14%

14%

13%

13%

13%

13%

13%

13%

14%

Top 20 Percent

71%

71%

73%

74%

74%

74%

74%

74%

74%

75%

74%

Top 1 Percent

28%

28%

31%

31%

31%

31%

31%

31%

31%

31%

31%

* Omits several small provisions of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts that were not distributed by the Tax Policy Center. For a discussion of the treatment of AMT relief, see pages 5-6.

** The costs shown for extending the tax cuts in 2009-2010 represent the portion of the cost of extending AMT relief that reflects the cost of keeping the AMT from canceling out a substantial portion of the enacted 2001 and 2003 tax cuts. See discussion on pages 5-6.

*** Less than 0.5 percent.

Appendix Table 2:
Distribution of the Tax Cuts by Dollar Income Class

2009-

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2018

Total Cost of Tax Cuts (billions) —2001 and 2003 Tax Cuts and Associated AMT Relief*

Enacted

202

213

119

22

8

8

9

10

11

11

615

Extended**

56

59

205

317

354

375

395

417

441

467

3,085

Total

258

272

324

339

362

383

405

427

452

478

3,700

Dollar Amount by Income Class (billions)

Below $50,000***

39

35

40

41

43

44

45

46

48

49

432

Below $100,000

91

83

97

99

104

107

111

114

117

121

1,045

Above $100,000

167

188

226

238

257

275

293

312

333

356

2,645

Above $200,000

103

122

146

154

166

177

188

200

214

228

1,698

Above $500,000

68

80

96

101

109

115

123

130

139

148

1,108

Above $1 million

51

59

70

74

80

85

90

95

101

108

812

Percent Shares by Income Class

Below $50,000

15%

15%

13%

13%

12%

12%

12%

11%

11%

11%

12%

Below $100,000

35%

35%

31%

30%

29%

29%

28%

27%

27%

26%

29%

Above $100,000

65%

65%

69%

70%

70%

71%

72%

72%

73%

74%

71%

Above $200,000

40%

40%

45%

45%

46%

46%

46%

47%

47%

47%

45%